Eritrea contained the main ports of the Aksumite empire, which governed the region, including modern-day Ethiopia, between the fourth and sixth centuries AD. It was also a peripheral part of the Ethiopian kingdom but largely retained its independence before coming under Ottoman rule in the 16th century. Over the next 300 years, control of the territory was disputed between the Ottomans, Ethiopia, Egypt and Italy. In 1889, a treaty between Italy and King Menilek of Ethiopia recognised Italian possessions on the Red Sea coast, which were formally adopted as Italian colonies the following year. These later became essential staging posts for the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1896 and 1935. Eritrea then became one of the six provinces of Italian East Africa, until the Italians were expelled by the British in 1941. After the departure of the British, Eritrea was merged into Ethiopia in a federal arrangement brokered by the UN in 1952 and incorporated fully into Ethiopia 10 years later.

An Eritrean Liberation Front emerged in exile in 1958 and later evolved into the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). The EPLF led the fight against the Communist government of Haile Mengistu Mariam, which took control of Ethiopia from the Emperor Haile Selassi in 1974. After a decade of changing fortunes for both the Government and the EPLF, the guerrillas finally expelled government forces from Eritrea in early 1991. The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, which led the final assault that overthrew the Mengistu regime in 1991, was armed and trained by the EPLF, although relations between the two have not always been good. In 1992, the EPLF-controlled Provisional Government of Eritrea announced a referendum over the future status of the area. With 99.8 per cent support registered in favour of independence, at a UN-supervised referendum in April 1993, the EPLF made arrangements to move to full nationhood, which was declared the following month. The EPLF inaugurated a four-year transition period leading to a pluralistic political system and the establishment of the basic infrastructure of government. Although a new constitution was introduced in 1997 (see below), its democratic aspects have been wholly neglected: following the Ethiopia war, especially, Afewerki and the EPLF are less disposed than ever to relinquish their grip on power.

The general secretary of the EPLF, Isaias Afewerki, became the President of the republic, and in February 1994, the EPLF reconstituted itself as the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice. The Government’s principal task was the reconstruction of the economy. But things have not run smoothly, even for Eritrea’s resourceful people. Eritrea also entered into costly wars with both Yemen and Djibouti. But by far the most serious threat to long-term stability was the unexpected and catastrophic breakdown in relations with neighbouring Ethiopia. Initially, relations were good – but fighting broke out between the two countries in May 1998, ostensibly over minor land disputes and border incursions. Ethiopia was also unhappy with Eritrea’s introduction of its own currency (the Nakfa) in 1997; Eritrea, for its part, voiced fears that its hard-won independence might be infringed upon by an expansionist Ethiopia.

The fundamentals of the conflict have often seemed opaque to outsiders – one Western observer described it as ‘two bald men fighting over a comb’ – which undoubtedly contributed to the failure of no less than ten separate peace initiatives failed during the two years of the conflict. Finally, after a two-month spell of heavy fighting, the UN managed to broker a settlement in June 2000. A 4000 peacekeeping force UNMEE (UN Mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia) was installed while a permanent solution was sought. This remains elusive.

Eritrea came off the worst from the fighting and the war also had serious consequences for its people, hundreds of thousands of whom were displaced and became reliant on emergency humanitarian aid. In the aftermath of the war, domestic opposition grew sharply, to which the government responded with a fierce crackdown in late 2001. This has alienated many of the new government’s most important foreign backers, especially in Europe. Within Eritrea, an alliance of a dozen opposition groups has now formed a military wing to pursue their campaign against the Afewerki regime.

The new constitution, adopted in May 1997, allows for political pluralism under a presidential system of government. However, no elections have yet been held and the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the political arm of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, is the only authorised political party. At present, President Afewerki holds executive power while legislative authority is vested in the 104-member Hagerawi Baito (National Assembly), comprising 60 appointed members and 44 representatives of the PFDJ.