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The present borders of Algeria (as well as those of Tunisia and Libya) were determined when the region became part of the
Ottoman Empire and each of the three countries became an administrative subdivision (vilayat). The coming of the Ottomans led to the Spanish losing the coastal strip that they previously had held for several centuries.
It subsequently became a pirate base for attacking European fleets. The French launched a military attack in 1830, occupying
part of the littoral, which became the embryo for their subsequent North African colonial empire.
Pressure for independence began from within the country in the early 1950s, with the formation of the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN – National Liberation Front). The civil war that ensued from the French reluctance to concede independence pitted the
FLN, backed by the bulk of the population, against the French military, the pieds noirs (French settlers) and their Arab supporters (known as harkis). Even by the standards of the many wars of independence throughout that era, the Algerian one was characterised by particular
brutality and is estimated to have led to one million casualties. Independence was finally conceded in 1962, with an FLN-controlled
government under Ahmed Ben Bella. Ben Bella was subsequently deposed by the Minister of Defence, Houari Boumedienne, who ruled
until his death in December 1978. Boumedienne’s replacement was an army commander, Chadli Bendjedid, reflecting the continuing
strong influence of the military on Algerian politics. The orthodox Socialist policies initially adopted by the FLN were discarded
from 1986 onwards with the revision of the National Charter to stress ‘pragmatic socialism’ – in part, this was a response
to the rise of Islamic influence, especially among the urban poor.
Exactly how far this process had gone became apparent in June 1990, when multi-party municipal and local elections were held
for the first time. Although the FLN secured a majority, Islamic parties made a strong showing, especially in the urban ghettos
of Algiers and other cities. The most prominent of the new parties was the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS – Islamic Salvation Front), whose growing support has since changed the face of Algerian politics. In January 1992,
FIS won a comprehensive victory in national elections. However, the government immediately annulled the result and declared
a state of emergency.
Over the ensuing months, the military took complete control, with the support and collaboration of a group of civil servants,
military and intelligence officials, commonly known as Le Pouvoir (literally ‘The Power’) or Les Décideurs (‘The Deciders’). Over the next five years, the regime’s dominant figure was General Liamine Zéroual, a senior army officer,
who became defence minister and then president. Opposing Le Pouvoir were FIS and, increasingly, armed dissidents led by the Groupe Islamique Armée (GIA – Islamic Army Group). The stage was now set for a savage civil war, which has consumed the country with a series of
apparently random slaughters of hundreds of civilians, journalists and aid workers. There is compelling evidence that government-controlled
units are involved in many of these killings, as well as members of the militant Islamic factions. With extensive support
from the French government, the regime has managed to keep effective control of the country and the incidence of violence
has recently declined, as the security forces have got to grips with the guerrilla organisations. However, it is clear that
Algeria has suffered yet another blood-drenched episode in its unhappy history – an estimated 150,000 people died in this
most recent conflict.
More recently, the government has been confronted with agitation from the country’s Berber ethnic minority – comprising approximately
20% of the population – over language and civil rights. In early 2002, the government made limited concessions to their demands
– Tamazight, the Berber tongue, is now recognised as an official national language. Nevertheless, Berber protests have continued.
Since the beginning of 1999, when Zéroual announced his intention to step down, several elections have been held in order
to bolster the regime’s legitimacy. A new presidential poll was arranged but under such tightly controlled conditions that
candidates who initially chose to oppose the official candidate eventually decided to boycott it. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, formerly
Algeria’s long-standing and respected foreign minister, was thus elected unopposed. A parliamentary election was held in May
2002, which was also subject to a partial boycott and returned the ruling FLN with a working majority in the national assembly.
In 2003, in the general election, Ali Benglis of the FLN also won as Prime Minister. However, this election recorded a low
turnout and was marred by violence. In 2004, Bouteflika emerged as President for a second term with an overwhelming majority,
although contentions continued. It remains uncertain how these opposing forces will ever be allied.
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Overview 
